The overarching argument of this paper is that parliamentary digital transformation is a relatively underfunded area of work, but a vitally important one in achieving the very common overarching goals of open, accountable, inclusive and participative government. Improvements in how parliamentary digital capacity building can be done better are possible with better strategy, funding and cooperation, and when parliaments are enthusiastic and willing to take the opportunities offered to them to improve themselves.
Now more than ever, digital transformation has become essential for parliaments. Such transformation can have a significant impact in making parliaments more transparent and accountable and can enable them to leverage greater public interest and engagement in the legislative and electoral processes.
Good external digital engagement requires parliaments to review their own internal digital structures, assess where development and investment are needed, and how digital improvement will assist in achieving their goals. Differential priorities in the needs of the parliament or societal actors can form a guide, according to which specific areas for digital development might be prioritised. These steps require long-term investment, which should go in parallel with the digital transformation of the Executive. However, because a country’s digital transformation is primarily the preserve of the Executive, it can bypass the legislature and may be almost disproportionately influenced by the ruling party. Uneven digital transformation between public bodies and the legislature may weaken the profile and legitimacy of the legislature itself. Furthermore, governments that effectively restrict digital development within the legislature are essentially restricting democratic integrity.
Besides the long-term process of building and developing infrastructure, short-term pilot projects can be useful to test approaches and begin building the digital infrastructure of the future. Properly targeted funding, to achieve specified digital transformation goals, agreed in collaboration with the development agencies operating in target areas, can yield significant dividends in improving the digital democracy ecosystem. This approach can neutralise harmful, short-termist and wasteful approaches to digital deficiency, and remove the ability of the more unscrupulous parliaments to play development agencies off against each other to leverage greater rewards or resources.
Digital transformation of parliaments requires better strategy, funding and cooperation on the part of donors and implementers as parliaments are enthusiastic and willing to take the opportunities offered by digitalisation.
Header photo: Jessica Taylor / UK Parliament
What's it all about?
Report authors Julia Keutgen and Rebecca Rumbol discuss their report and its key arguments
What is the PPPI?
The Political Party Performance Index (PPPI) is a data-driven framework designed to assess the internal and external performance of political parties in Nigeria. It evaluates how well parties uphold democratic values across three key pillars:
- Inclusivity Practices: Examining how parties promote the participation of women, youth, and persons with disabilities within their structures.
- Legal Compliance: Evaluating party adherence to regulatory obligations, including financial reporting, constitutional conformity, membership structures, and operational mandates.
- Public Outreach: Assessing how parties communicate their ideology, engage the media, conduct voter education, and build visibility at the grassroots.
Why it matters
Political parties are the foundation of any democracy. Yet in Nigeria, gaps persist between what parties claim and what members and citizens experience. The PPPI bridges this gap by offering:
- A triangulated assessment using data from party executives, members, INEC officials, and citizens.
- A comparative analysis of party performance “on paper” vs. “in reality”.
- Actionable recommendations for reform, accountability, and democratic strengthening.
Key findings
- Most parties overstate their inclusivity and outreach efforts.
- There is a significant credibility gap between leadership claims and grassroots realities.
- Only a few parties demonstrate strong alignment between internal policies and public perception.
This work is part of the Nigerian Open Political Party (NOPP) Project. The NOPP project, funded by the FCDO, aims to increase the participation of women, young people, and persons with disabilities (PWDs) in Nigeria's political and electoral processes. WFD leverages its collaborations with political parties, the National Assembly, and civil society to promote inclusive representation and strengthen internal democracy of political parties.
WFD Albania, in cooperation with the Gender Alliance Development Centre (GADC), monitored violence against women in politics during the parliamentary election campaign held on 25 May 2025. This effort built on and sustained the work initiated prior to the election period. The monitoring mainly focused on online and social media platforms, where much of the abuse tends to occur. Reports submitted through the platform www.stopvawp.al, integrated into the Central Election Commission's official website, were also included in the monitoring process.
The findings of the report reveal a concerning level of hate speech directed at women in politics. The report also details how women candidates and political and civil society activists were subjected to sexism, online harassment, and coordinated attacks, both on social media and in traditional media outlets throughout the campaign.
In response, the report offers concrete recommendations to improve institutional coordination and foster stronger collaboration with civil society. These measures aim to ensure a safer, more inclusive public space for women engaged in political and public life. The findings reinforce the urgent need for systemic action to combat gender-based violence in politics and to uphold democratic values of equality and participation.
WFD’s latest report on the cost of politics in Taiwan examines the 2024 legislative election as a case study to explore the political costs incurred by candidates running for central-level public office. It investigates the various costs—both tangible (such as financial expenses) and intangible (such as time commitment)—at different stages of the election cycle, from party primaries and campaigning to serving as a legislator. The research aims to answer the following questions: What political costs are necessary in the context of Taiwan’s electoral culture? Do political costs serve as barriers to female or young candidates? What are the implications of political costs for Taiwan’s democratic processes?
Following the 2005 constitutional amendment, Taiwan’s legislative electoral system was changed to a mixed-member system with two votes per voter. One notable feature of the 11th Legislative Yuan is that 48.7% of its members are first-time legislators—the highest proportion of successful challengers in Taiwan's legislative history.
The findings from the report show that legislative candidates' campaign expenditures range widely depending on constituency size, with campaigns often costing over TWD 10 million or USD 300,000 on record, significantly more than local-level races. The majority of these funds—58%—were spent on campaign advertising, followed by personnel costs (13%) and event-related expenses (13%).
Taiwan’s mixed-member majoritarian system structurally favours major parties whose candidates benefit from stronger institutional support, financial backing and established political networks. The emotional and psychological toll of running for office—including stress, public scrutiny, and personal sacrifices—was cited as a major intangible cost, especially for newcomers without party backing or political lineage.
To find more insights on Taiwan and compare with costs of politics in other countries, visit our cost of politics website.
The existential threat of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation has forcefully reordered and narrowed immediate national political priorities. It has also reshaped the convictions, values and visions that underpin the reconstruction and recovery processes and the future of Ukraine.
In times of crisis, members of parliament (MPs) are expected to actively and effectively manage public life in response to existential risks, making decisions that impact the lives of women and men, civilians and military personnel alike. Yet MPs are not immune to the personal trauma of war and are forced to balance this with their public role as political decision-makers in a time of national emergency.
This research offers a rare window into how MPs in Ukraine are navigating these impossible pressures. It captures their evolving priorities, ambitions, fears and hopes in the fourth year of the full-scale Russian aggression. Although the national defence effort has strengthened the executive under martial law, MPs have been actively holding on to a bold vision for the future. Many share a desire not just to rebuild, but to transform the country.
The findings from this report are intended to inform programmes and initiatives that aim to support Ukraine in protecting its democratic gains and consolidating reforms whilst it continues to withstand Russian aggression and embarks on the EU accession process.
Westminster Foundation for Democracy (WFD) is proud to support the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and its members as they navigate these processes. We stand with Ukraine and its parliament in this moment of profound resilience and reinvention. We thank the Members of Parliament who participated in this study amid air sirens, devastation, power cuts and uncertainty. We are grateful to the research team for their dedication and conflict-responsive research approaches.