After nearly 70 years of independence, Malaysia has yet to see women hold even 15% of parliamentary seats, while structural barriers continue to limit them from accessing decision-making roles and shaping key policies. The Gender Outlook Forum (GOF) 2025, held on 28–29 August in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, placed this challenge at the centre of discussion.
As a strategic partner, WFD worked with Wanita Berdaya Selangor (WBS), the implementing body for women's empowerment programmes under the Selangor State Women's and Family Development Committee to convene nearly 200 researchers, policymakers, and practitioners to foster dialogue and build momentum for gender-inclusive governance.
The forum was officiated by former Deputy Prime Minister Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, the first woman to hold the post, together with Selangor Menteri Besar Amirudin Shari, and attended by government leaders, parliamentarians across the aisle, policymakers, and political scientists who contributed their perspectives.
The two-day forum tackled some of the most urgent challenges in advancing gender equality, from mainstreaming gender across government policies, to strengthening legal frameworks, addressing violence against women in politics (VAWP), bridging digital gaps, and recognising the care economy as central to women’s empowerment. From these exchanges, five key lessons emerged as pathways that can transform political and institutional landscapes into safer, more inclusive spaces for women and for democracy at large.
- Research and data provide the hard evidence for change.
- Violence against women in politics is systemic, not isolated.
- Institutional change requires structural innovations and political will.
- Male allies are essential to shifting power structures.
- Democracy is stronger when women lead equally.
1. Research and data provide the hard evidence for change
Clear, consolidated data backs up demand with undeniable evidence. Without proper documentation and historical records, the (lack of) progress of women in politics is easily overlooked and dismissed. As analyst Yeong Pey Jung from Penang Institute presented at the Forum, it took seven elections (27 years) for women MPs to rise above 5%, eleven elections (44 years) to surpass 10%, and fourteen elections (63 years) to come close to 15%, and yet Malaysia still lags behind global benchmarks.
Her data also exposes structural typecasting: until 2019, most women ministers were clustered in “soft” portfolios like women, family and community development, while other ministries that hold greater sway – such as finance, home affairs, defence, and transport – remain exclusively men’s domain. At the state level, women’s representation is equally uneven with some states having zero women in their state executive council. At the legislative level, the symbolic leadership positions of Speaker of the House remain out of reach for female MPs: Malaysia has yet to see a woman Speaker of Parliament or Senate President.
To advance progress, Malaysia would benefit from establishing a publicly accessible, gender-disaggregated repository of political data. Such a resource should capture not only representation figures, but also key variables such as age, education, career trajectories, and access to financial or family support. A comprehensive dataset of this nature would enhance evidence-based policymaking, strengthen the credibility of reform initiatives, and provide a clear benchmark for tracking progress over time.
2. Violence against women in politics (VAWP) is systemic, not isolated
Violence against women in politics (VAWP) is not a series of isolated incidents, but a structural problem embedded in political culture and institutions. This was reiterated at the panel discussion on creating safer political spaces for women and youth. Tackling it requires more than ad-hoc measures or individual-level behavioral change; it demands institutional reforms, gender-sensitive training for political actors, and clear mechanisms within parties and parliaments to prevent, report, and respond effectively.
Amira Aisya Abdul Aziz, acting president of Malaysian United Democratic Alliance (MUDA), an independent opposition party, shared how she has faced vitriolic online attacks—ranging from fat-shaming to disparaging remarks about her personal life—simply for articulating political views as a young woman holding a high-level position in her party. She refused to endure the harassment and decided to speak up because she felt that “every insult against me is a threat against young women entering politics”, stressing the urgent need for legal frameworks that recognise online harassment and misogyny as forms of political violence. Proposals to mitigate this included specific legislation, stricter sanctions against perpetrators, and institutional safeguards such as party codes of conduct, cross-party women’s solidarity networks, and gender quotas to build collective resilience.
Another speaker, Mas Ermieyati binti Samsudin, echoed these concerns. As only the second woman to hold the all-important role of the head of the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) and a former candidate for the Chief Minister position (no female political leader has achieved this coveted executive position in the country’s history), she reflected on the stigma, harassment, and mental health toll she faced when leaving her previous political party, underscoring the personal costs of political participation for women in hostile environments.
3. Institutional change requires structural innovations and political will
Advancing gender equality in politics requires more than sporadic campaigns and must be embedded in the rules, incentives, and practices of political institutions. Creative mechanisms such as innovative quota designs, electoral reforms, cross-party commitments, and party-level interventions in candidate selection can open meaningful space for women’s leadership.
Political scientist, Wong Chin Huat, highlighted the importance of institutional design i.e. expanding the supply of women candidates, incentivising parties through public funding, and considering quotas under first-past-the-post or mixed member majoritarian systems such as Top-up Women-Only Additional Seats (TWOAS). Party practices matter too: only one political party currently has women’s representation above single digit (the Democratic Action Party, DAP), while others remain in single figures, with some having just one woman MP.
DAP Women Chief and current Deputy Minister of Communications, Teo Nie Ching, highlighted progress in her party’s structural innovations, including appointing women chiefs as permanent members of candidate selection committees and mandating a minimum 30% percentage of women candidates in the next general election to strengthen the political pipeline.
4. Male allies are essential to shifting power structures
Transforming political culture requires men to be more than bystanders. Male allyship is critical to dismantling entrenched norms and advancing inclusive governance. Forum participants reflected on how male leaders can accelerate change when they use their influence to challenge systemic barriers, reform party structures, and foster safer political spaces.
Zaireeni Azmi from the Centre for Research on Women and Gender (KANITA), Universiti Sains Malaysia noted that while many male politicians do not identify as feminists, they can still be useful allies to help level the playing field. She argued that women’s wings could also evolve from being primarily mobilisation tools into genuine leadership pipelines, and that political parties must facilitate shifts in norms by encouraging men to confront how privilege shapes their actions.
Nur Azyan Shalihah binti Mohd Shafee from the research and library division at the Parliament of Malaysia added that the barriers women face are multi-layered, including individual, societal, institutional, and systemic. Candidate selection processes, for example, are often framed as merit-based, but in practice carry gender biases, privileging “winnability” as defined by male-dominated perspectives.
Expanding the political pipeline through proactive headhunting of high-calibre professional women, alongside internal training and mentoring, is key to broadening opportunities. Additionally, moving from symbolic pledges to concrete policies requires parties to enshrine gender quotas and enforcement mechanisms within their constitutions, backed by legislative reforms at the national level. Together, these insights underscore that allyship is not about rhetorical support but about structural change, from party rules to candidate selection boards, ensuring that men take responsibility as co-architects of a more inclusive democracy.
5. Democracy is stronger when women lead equally
The Gender Outlook Forum 2025 underscored a central truth: inclusive governance is not ancillary to democracy – it is fundamental to its strength and resilience.
Over two days, leaders, practitioners, and researchers identified five key pathways that can move Malaysia and the wider region beyond incremental progress toward systemic transformation.
The task ahead is to transform these insights into concrete reforms through institutional innovation, evidence-based policymaking, and sustained cross-sector partnerships. Achieving this will ensure that women’s leadership is not the exception but an integral part of how democracy is practiced and strengthened in Malaysia and indeed, across the world. WFD is ready to help transform politics for the better.
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Strategies for inclusive politics and boosting women’s representation in Malaysia
Strategies for inclusive politics and boosting women’s representation in Malaysia
Chompunut (Air) Chalieobun
After nearly 70 years of independence, Malaysia has yet to see women hold even 15% of parliamentary seats, while structural barriers continue to limit them from accessing decision-making roles and shaping key policies. The Gender Outlook Forum (GOF) 2025, held on 28–29 August in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, placed this challenge at the centre of discussion.
As a strategic partner, WFD worked with Wanita Berdaya Selangor (WBS), the implementing body for women's empowerment programmes under the Selangor State Women's and Family Development Committee to convene nearly 200 researchers, policymakers, and practitioners to foster dialogue and build momentum for gender-inclusive governance.
The forum was officiated by former Deputy Prime Minister Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, the first woman to hold the post, together with Selangor Menteri Besar Amirudin Shari, and attended by government leaders, parliamentarians across the aisle, policymakers, and political scientists who contributed their perspectives.
The two-day forum tackled some of the most urgent challenges in advancing gender equality, from mainstreaming gender across government policies, to strengthening legal frameworks, addressing violence against women in politics (VAWP), bridging digital gaps, and recognising the care economy as central to women’s empowerment. From these exchanges, five key lessons emerged as pathways that can transform political and institutional landscapes into safer, more inclusive spaces for women and for democracy at large.
1. Research and data provide the hard evidence for change
Clear, consolidated data backs up demand with undeniable evidence. Without proper documentation and historical records, the (lack of) progress of women in politics is easily overlooked and dismissed. As analyst Yeong Pey Jung from Penang Institute presented at the Forum, it took seven elections (27 years) for women MPs to rise above 5%, eleven elections (44 years) to surpass 10%, and fourteen elections (63 years) to come close to 15%, and yet Malaysia still lags behind global benchmarks.
Her data also exposes structural typecasting: until 2019, most women ministers were clustered in “soft” portfolios like women, family and community development, while other ministries that hold greater sway – such as finance, home affairs, defence, and transport – remain exclusively men’s domain. At the state level, women’s representation is equally uneven with some states having zero women in their state executive council. At the legislative level, the symbolic leadership positions of Speaker of the House remain out of reach for female MPs: Malaysia has yet to see a woman Speaker of Parliament or Senate President.
To advance progress, Malaysia would benefit from establishing a publicly accessible, gender-disaggregated repository of political data. Such a resource should capture not only representation figures, but also key variables such as age, education, career trajectories, and access to financial or family support. A comprehensive dataset of this nature would enhance evidence-based policymaking, strengthen the credibility of reform initiatives, and provide a clear benchmark for tracking progress over time.
2. Violence against women in politics (VAWP) is systemic, not isolated
Violence against women in politics (VAWP) is not a series of isolated incidents, but a structural problem embedded in political culture and institutions. This was reiterated at the panel discussion on creating safer political spaces for women and youth. Tackling it requires more than ad-hoc measures or individual-level behavioral change; it demands institutional reforms, gender-sensitive training for political actors, and clear mechanisms within parties and parliaments to prevent, report, and respond effectively.
Amira Aisya Abdul Aziz, acting president of Malaysian United Democratic Alliance (MUDA), an independent opposition party, shared how she has faced vitriolic online attacks—ranging from fat-shaming to disparaging remarks about her personal life—simply for articulating political views as a young woman holding a high-level position in her party. She refused to endure the harassment and decided to speak up because she felt that “every insult against me is a threat against young women entering politics”, stressing the urgent need for legal frameworks that recognise online harassment and misogyny as forms of political violence. Proposals to mitigate this included specific legislation, stricter sanctions against perpetrators, and institutional safeguards such as party codes of conduct, cross-party women’s solidarity networks, and gender quotas to build collective resilience.
Another speaker, Mas Ermieyati binti Samsudin, echoed these concerns. As only the second woman to hold the all-important role of the head of the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) and a former candidate for the Chief Minister position (no female political leader has achieved this coveted executive position in the country’s history), she reflected on the stigma, harassment, and mental health toll she faced when leaving her previous political party, underscoring the personal costs of political participation for women in hostile environments.
3. Institutional change requires structural innovations and political will
Advancing gender equality in politics requires more than sporadic campaigns and must be embedded in the rules, incentives, and practices of political institutions. Creative mechanisms such as innovative quota designs, electoral reforms, cross-party commitments, and party-level interventions in candidate selection can open meaningful space for women’s leadership.
Political scientist, Wong Chin Huat, highlighted the importance of institutional design i.e. expanding the supply of women candidates, incentivising parties through public funding, and considering quotas under first-past-the-post or mixed member majoritarian systems such as Top-up Women-Only Additional Seats (TWOAS). Party practices matter too: only one political party currently has women’s representation above single digit (the Democratic Action Party, DAP), while others remain in single figures, with some having just one woman MP.
DAP Women Chief and current Deputy Minister of Communications, Teo Nie Ching, highlighted progress in her party’s structural innovations, including appointing women chiefs as permanent members of candidate selection committees and mandating a minimum 30% percentage of women candidates in the next general election to strengthen the political pipeline.
4. Male allies are essential to shifting power structures
Transforming political culture requires men to be more than bystanders. Male allyship is critical to dismantling entrenched norms and advancing inclusive governance. Forum participants reflected on how male leaders can accelerate change when they use their influence to challenge systemic barriers, reform party structures, and foster safer political spaces.
Zaireeni Azmi from the Centre for Research on Women and Gender (KANITA), Universiti Sains Malaysia noted that while many male politicians do not identify as feminists, they can still be useful allies to help level the playing field. She argued that women’s wings could also evolve from being primarily mobilisation tools into genuine leadership pipelines, and that political parties must facilitate shifts in norms by encouraging men to confront how privilege shapes their actions.
Nur Azyan Shalihah binti Mohd Shafee from the research and library division at the Parliament of Malaysia added that the barriers women face are multi-layered, including individual, societal, institutional, and systemic. Candidate selection processes, for example, are often framed as merit-based, but in practice carry gender biases, privileging “winnability” as defined by male-dominated perspectives.
Expanding the political pipeline through proactive headhunting of high-calibre professional women, alongside internal training and mentoring, is key to broadening opportunities. Additionally, moving from symbolic pledges to concrete policies requires parties to enshrine gender quotas and enforcement mechanisms within their constitutions, backed by legislative reforms at the national level. Together, these insights underscore that allyship is not about rhetorical support but about structural change, from party rules to candidate selection boards, ensuring that men take responsibility as co-architects of a more inclusive democracy.
5. Democracy is stronger when women lead equally
The Gender Outlook Forum 2025 underscored a central truth: inclusive governance is not ancillary to democracy – it is fundamental to its strength and resilience.
Over two days, leaders, practitioners, and researchers identified five key pathways that can move Malaysia and the wider region beyond incremental progress toward systemic transformation.
The task ahead is to transform these insights into concrete reforms through institutional innovation, evidence-based policymaking, and sustained cross-sector partnerships. Achieving this will ensure that women’s leadership is not the exception but an integral part of how democracy is practiced and strengthened in Malaysia and indeed, across the world. WFD is ready to help transform politics for the better.
Watch recorded sessions - Day 1
Watch recorded sessions - Day 2 (morning)
Watch recorded sessions – Day 2 (afternoon)
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